On the UN Day of Nuclear Disarmament Assessing the Impact of January 2022 Unrest on Kazakhstan’s Economy, Politics and Social Order.

In January 2022, Kazakhstan experienced a wave of protests and unrest that reverberated throughout the country. This significant event had far-reaching consequences, impacting the economy, politics and social order of Kazakhstan. This article aims to delve into the aftermath of the unrest and explore how it affected the nation’s economic and political landscape and societal fabric.

The January 2022 unrest dealt a severe blow to Kazakhstan’s economy, which heavily relies on natural resources, particularly oil and gas. The protests disrupted oil production and transportation, leading to a decline in export revenues. The resulting economic slowdown, coupled with the uncertainty surrounding the situation, created an atmosphere of investor unease, leading to capital flight and a decrease in foreign direct investment.

Furthermore, the unrest highlighted underlying issues such as corruption, economic inequality, and lack of employment opportunities, which were key grievances of the protesters. These concerns further eroded investor confidence and hindered economic growth.

To address the economic challenges, the Kazakh government had to implement various measures. It embarked on economic diversification efforts, aiming to reduce dependence on oil and gas by promoting sectors like agriculture, manufacturing, and technology. Initiatives were launched to attract foreign investment and improve the business climate, emphasizing transparency and anti-corruption measures.

The social fabric of Kazakhstan also experienced significant repercussions in the wake of the unrest. The protests, initially sparked by socioeconomic grievances, escalated into clashes between security forces and demonstrators. The use of force by authorities led to casualties and raised concerns about human rights violations.

The unrest highlighted underlying social tensions within the country, including political discontent, inequality, and a lack of freedom of expression. It also exposed regional and ethnic fault lines, as Kazakhstan is home to a diverse population. These divisions, exacerbated by the unrest, posed a challenge to social cohesion and stability.

In response, the Kazakh government initiated efforts to address these issues and promote reconciliation. Measures were taken to improve governance, strengthen the rule of law, and enhance respect for human rights. Initiatives were launched to foster dialogue between different segments of society and promote inclusivity, aiming to heal the societal rifts that had been exposed.

On the social front, the unrest brought to the forefront underlying grievances and divisions within Kazakh society. The government recognized the need to address these concerns by promoting inclusivity, strengthening governance, and fostering dialogue. Rebuilding social cohesion and trust emerged as essential components of the country’s path towards stability and progress.

The January 2022 unrest in Kazakhstan began as protests against a rise in fuel prices. The protests quickly turned violent and spread to some major cities in the country. The government responded by declaring a state of emergency and calling in troops from the CSTO. The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is a military alliance of six post-Soviet states: Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan. The CSTO was founded in 1992 and has been used to deploy troops to member states on a number of occasions, including in Kazakhstan in January 2022. The CSTO deployed troops to Kazakhstan on January 5, 2022. The troops were tasked with restoring order and protecting critical infrastructure. The CSTO troops remained in Kazakhstan for two weeks, and they played a key role in quelling the unrest. The CSTO withdrew its troops from Kazakhstan on January 19, 2022. The withdrawal was announced by CSTO Secretary General Stanislav Zas, who said that the mission had been accomplished. The deployment of CSTO troops to Kazakhstan was controversial. Some critics argued that the deployment was unnecessary and that it was a sign of Russian imperialism. Others argued that the deployment was necessary to restore order and protect Kazakhstan from foreign interference. The CSTO’s deployment to Kazakhstan has had a significant impact on the organization. The deployment has shown that the CSTO is willing to use force to protect its members, and it has also raised concerns about the organization’s future role in the region. Any expected dividends for supporting Russia’s war in Ukraine were not realised when Kazakhstan refused all requests from Russia a mere two months later. Much to Russian consternation Kazakhstan vigorously supports the territorial integrity of nations and even sent aid to Ukraine. Much like so many times in its history the Kazakh leadership chooses what is in its own interest in the long term. Even today as we mark the UN International Day against Nuclear Tests which was unanimously adopted as Resolution 64/35 we are reminded from the UN’s own website that, ‘the resolution calls for increasing awareness and education “about the effects of nuclear weapon test explosions or any other nuclear explosions and the need for their cessation as one of the means of achieving the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world.” The resolution was initiated by the Republic of Kazakhstan, together with a large number of sponsors and cosponsors with a view to commemorate the closure of the Semipalatinsk Nuclear Test site on 29 August 1991. The Day is meant to galvanize the United Nations, Member States, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, academic institutions, youth networks and the media to inform, educate and advocate the necessity of banning nuclear weapon tests as a valuable step towards achieving a safer world.’

As Kazakhstan continues to navigate the rapidly changing world in which we all live it faces challenges but also opportunities for transformative change. The government’s commitment to economic diversification, social reform, and good governance will be instrumental in shaping a more resilient and inclusive future for the nation.

The period between 2022 and 2023 witnessed significant electoral events in Kazakhstan, shaping the country’s political landscape and democratic process. These elections brought forth a range of changes, including the election of a new President and members of Parliament. Let’s take a closer look at the key elections held during this time.

In June 2022, Kazakhstan held its presidential election, which marked a transition of power from the First President Mr. Nursultan Nazarbayev, who had served as the country’s President since its independence in 1991 and perhaps the most significant personality shaping the new nation state and securing its place in the world as a nation amongst equals. His resignation in 2019 was a surprise to almost all, and the subsequent election was highly anticipated, as it would determine a new leader for the first time in over three decades.

Several candidates ran in the election, representing various political parties and movements. However, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who had been acting as interim President following Nazarbayev’s resignation in 2019, emerged as the clear frontrunner. Tokayev, supported by the ruling Nur Otan party, secured a significant majority of the votes and was elected as the President of Kazakhstan.

Following the presidential election, Kazakhstan held parliamentary elections in January 2023. These elections aimed to determine the composition of the Mazhilis, the lower house of Parliament. The Mazhilis consists of 107 members, 98 of whom are elected through a party-list proportional representation system, and the remaining nine are appointed by the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan, representing ethnic minorities.

Multiple political parties participated in the parliamentary elections, including the ruling Nur Otan party, which has historically dominated Kazakh politics. Other parties such as Ak Zhol Democratic Party, People’s Party of Kazakhstan, and Auyl Social Democratic Party also contested the elections. The campaign period witnessed lively debates and discussions on various issues, including economic development, social reforms, and political transparency.

The results of the parliamentary elections showcased a continued majority for Nur Otan, which secured the highest number of seats in the Mazhilis. However, several other parties managed to secure representation, allowing for a more diverse and pluralistic legislature. This outcome signals a growing trend towards greater political competition and a broader representation of voices within Kazakhstan’s political landscape.

The Kazakh elections held in 2022 and 2023 reflect and ongoing and gradual transition in the country’s political sphere. The presidential election marked the first transfer of power since independence, demonstrating the country’s commitment to democratic processes. The parliamentary elections showcased a growing pluralism, with a more diverse representation in the legislature.

These elections provided an opportunity for political parties to articulate their visions for the future and engage in healthy democratic competition. They also served as a means for the population to express their aspirations and expectations, contributing to the legitimacy of the government and political institutions.

Moving forward, Kazakhstan faces the challenge of consolidating democratic processes, ensuring the inclusion of diverse voices, and addressing socio-economic issues to foster stability and progress. The government’s commitment to enhancing transparency, rule of law, and respect for human rights will play a crucial role in shaping the future trajectory of the country’s democratic development.

Overall, whilst the Kazakh elections held in 2022 and 2023 marked important milestones in the country’s political evolution, illustrating the nation’s efforts to foster democratic governance and political participation it is always the economy which determines the ultimate well-being of a nation.

The performance of the Kazakh economy is influenced by various factors, including global economic conditions, commodity prices, government policies, and domestic and international investments. Kazakhstan’s economy is highly dependent on natural resources, particularly oil, gas, and minerals. Therefore, fluctuations in commodity prices on the international market can have a significant impact on its economic performance.

In recent years, Kazakhstan has been working towards economic diversification, aiming to reduce its reliance on natural resources and promote sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology. These efforts have been driven by initiatives such as the Nurly Zhol infrastructure development program and the Digital Kazakhstan program, which aim to stimulate economic growth and foster innovation.

Additionally, Kazakhstan has sought to attract foreign direct investment through business-friendly policies, economic reforms, and the establishment of special economic zones. This investment plays a crucial role in driving economic growth, creating jobs, and fostering technological advancement.

The Kazakh economy is performing relatively well in 2022-2023, despite the ongoing global economic slowdown. Real GDP growth is forecast to reach 3.5% in 2023, up from 3.1% in 2022. The economy is being supported by strong commodity prices, particularly oil and gas, which account for about 60% of export earnings. Inflation is expected to remain high, at around 10%, but this is expected to ease in the second half of the year.

The Kazakh government is taking steps to address the challenges facing the economy, including diversifying the economy away from reliance on commodities, improving the investment climate, and reducing poverty. However, there are a number of risks to the outlook, including the ongoing global economic slowdown, the war in Ukraine, and political instability in parts of the region. As these impact on the political and social fabric of Kazakhstan there is an emerging plethora of voices adding commentary and calling for alternative approaches.

Like all countries there is much to celebrate as we assess Kazakhstan’s performance over these last few years, and of course there will always be a mix of voices who genuinely critique the status quo and others who criticise in search of a utopia of perfection. The Kazakhs themselves are much more realistic and one can witness today a nation that is assertive and forward looking, largely harmonious and everywhere engaged with the world.

THE ROAD TO BOROVOE

For people that live in the beginning of the third millennium, it’s hard to believe that a hundred years ago trips to Borovoe were not so easy and challenging for our ancestors. Now, almost everyone has his own car, there are intercity bus and train services all over Kazakhstan, and finally there are flights that allow you to fly thousands of kilometres in a couple of hours. So it is no longer a problem to get the resort Borovoe. For example, it would take three hours to get there from Petropavlovsk and even less from Astana. Today it seems impossible to think that the trip from Petropavlovsk to Borovoe in 1913 took from two to five days depending on the weather, different circumstances and kinds of carriages.

There wasn’t a highway at that time and cars were not common. Development of aircraft had just begun and the building of the Trans Siberian had just finished, but the closest stations of this railway were in Petropavlovsk and Omsk. That’s why visitors of Borovoe were mostly from these cities.

Hardly anyone from the southern part of the Steppe visited Borovoe. At that time Akmolinsk and Atbassar were some of the biggest cities and its citizens were Cossacks, philistines, merchants, relocated peasants, settled Kazakh people and supervised exiles. They were not ones who could afford to go to a resort. Almost all of them were on duty, engaged in farming and worked to live. However, steppe Kazakhs had known about healing properties of salt and the curative mud from the Borovoe lakes much earlier. Then the Russians came and regularly visited mainly for healing rheumatism and skin diseases.

The main flow of tourists (they were called summer residents) was from big and rich Siberian cities like Chelyabinsk, Petropavlovsk, Kurgan, Omsk, Tomsk, Novo-Nikolaevsk (Novosibirsk). People from different social classes – merchants, philistines, the intelligentsia, civil servants, and skilled workers – had enough money to pay for this trip for themselves and their family.

Let’s imagine the journey of such a “summer resident”, a teacher from Omsk for example, who had heard about the resort where extraordinary fresh air and koumiss could improve health. A teacher’s salary in the Russian Empire was good but he did not have his own carriage. He had a choice to rent a horse-drawn carriage from Omsk directly to Borovoe or go by newly built Siberian railway to Petropavlovsk station and then go to the resort. The second option was more preferable because the distance was shorter.

Financially it was more profitable to find a fellow passenger on the train or before the trip by placing an advertisement in any newspaper, like “Siberian Life” that was popular all over the whole of Siberia. Another way to find a fellow traveller was to place an advertisement on the post station in Petropavlovsk and wait for a few hours. The total cost of the trip from Petropavlovsk to Borovoe resort was twenty rubles for a couple of horses or about thirty rubles for three horses.

When the teacher arrived at the railway station in Petropavlovsk he would need to hire a carriage driver (50 pennies) and go to the post station where he could rent a post horse that were provided by state postal service, or hire horse-drivers like taxi drivers nowadays. Unfortunately, both options had their disadvantages.

What was the trip by post horses like? If you imagine that the post carriage is like an intercity bus and post stations are additional stops, then you can get an approximate picture of this kind of traffic management. The cost of these post carriages was 3 pence for one horse per one verst plus 10 pence state fee for a horse for the whole road. Additionally, the cost of the carriage was 12 pence plus the usual tips.
At that time, there were only two villages on the post road to Borovoe – Bogodukhovskoe (90 versts from Petropavlovsk) and Azat (80 versts from Borovoe). Azat was the last post station and people needed to hire horse-drivers to go further. The whole way from Petropavlovsk to Azat people had to make pickets among the boundless steppe. Pickets were post stations with 2 or 3 buildings. It was possible to overcome all the distance to Borovoe for 1.5 or 2 days depending on the post services and mood of the head of the station. Usually he used his authority and sometimes could postpone the carriage departure at his discretion, or could wait for another carriage and transfer all post packages and passengers there. The road to Borovoe was pretty easy in good weather. The steppe path was well-rolled and was as good as asphalt. Wet weather conditions made this road much harder because there was a lot of dirt that stuck to the carriage wheels and horse’s hooves. So, drivers tried to ride on bumpy ruts. That was a really hard road to handle even for a healthy man.

The next way to get there was to hire a horse driver. There were lots of free horse drivers in Petropavlovsk who could offer their service or suggest another driver. The cost for horse drivers was 10 pence for each pair of horses per one verste. This way could guarantee a calmer journey on the road as you had to deal with only one driver and didn’t worry about rearranging baggage. The big disadvantage of this trip was its slow pace. The trip could last from 2 to 5 days depending on the weather, horse’s stamina and resistance of carriages with stops at Inns.

There was another unusual way to get to Borovoe, by bicycle. Before the trip people needed to train for a month. A cyclist could ride this distance over 16-20 hours (not counting stops to rest) in good weather. People who chose to get to Borovoe by bicycle rode usually along the main railway track till the first crossing and then along telegraph poles to the Azat village. From there it was possible to see the mountain top of Kokshe, which was a visual landmark. There were plenty of people who wanted to cover this distance by bicycle and a lot of information about this route has survived. Papers contain information on how much water and food you need to have with you on the trip, what clothes you should wear, and also medical advice was included. It’s not surprising that medical experts of the time considered bicycle riding as a great healing, preventive and strengthening remedy for many diseases.

But in 1913, the suffering of travellers came to an end when car traffic to Borovoe was established in Petropavlovsk. Three kinds of cars started to operate: light passenger, passenger and cargo. The same year the New Railways Commission decided to build a railway from Petropavlovsk to Kokshetau. But the first World War and then Civil war delayed realisation of this project for some time.

by Pavel Kossovich

The Kazakh Spring.

As I am being driven along the highway from Almaty towards Taldykorgan, the billboard posters have been changed from the usual images of pop stars, safety information and Casinos to an array of big yellow ticks, the number 19 and lots of smiling citizens. Some are in groups representing political parties and some individuals as independent candidates, all for the forthcoming elections taking place on the 19th March. There are two elections taking place, legislative and local and I try to work out from the images, as they flash past, which elections the posters are for and what makes these ordinary people want to stand and represent their regions or even as a deputy in the Mijahlis (Parliament) of Kazakhstan? The party’s billboards show matching logoed sweatshirts, most other people are in suits, the men in ties (usually red!) and the women in formal business attire and all are smiling broadly. These seem  different images, to previous canvassing and indeed on the streets of Almaty I saw groups of young people handing out leaflets, and encouraging people to vote for their favoured candidates and again broad smiles.

The people will elect a total of 3,415 seats to 223 mäslihats (local assemblies) across all regions of Kazakhstan and although these seem to take up the most roadside space they are happening  alongside the legislative elections, with 29 seats in 19 regions of Kazakhstan. Many would say that the legislative elections are the most important  as these ‘electoral districts’ are a reinstatement of a system that was changed in 2007 and show part of the rapid political reform that has happened in the last two years. There does appear to be a real sense of change – maybe it is because we approach Nauryz -New day, the coming of spring after a long hard winter? Maybe it is more than that?

Maybe it is these reforms that encourage people to become actively involved? The presidential Elections in November or 2022 certainly had a more inclusive and ‘modern’ feel to them and President Tokaev’s emphasis on young people and the future generations is certainly making people more interested in politics.The choice of March the 19th is also not a coincidence – it is the fourth anniversary of  the first President – Nursultan Nazarbayev’s resignation and the catalyst that started the new political age in Kazakhstan.

I decided to head north and the best way to interact with local people is on a train. The second fastest overnight train from Almaty to Astana, and then beyond to Suchinsk, gives plenty of time to converse and get views. The audience is captive and the time enables trust to be developed. As we wobbled and rattled across the seemingly endless steppe,I was hoping normal people would share their thoughts.

The lead metal greyness of the dusk was tainted orange by the rising full worm moon. Its light paled to yellow and silhouetted the wormwood and dogwood shrub along the iron rails and the numerous reed beds shimmered gold in an unfelt light breeze. The further north we travelled the more the moonlight rippled on the ice and snow that stretched to the horizon but the warmth of the carriage and acceptance that the journey would take as long as it would take, should encourage interactions. I have always found it charming that Kazakhs have a brazen curiosity and a grey haired Englishman in an unusual situation could not hide for long even if he wanted to! First the children ‘break the ice’, wide eyed, smiling and shyly inquisitive. Then older children welcomed me to Kazakhstan with practice perfect English and then the mothers and babushkas brought tea and cakes and sweets. We laugh and smile and I use the excuse of International Women’s day to praise and congratulate them. I am lucky my travelling companion is a young Kyrgyz woman – Nazgul-  she translates perfectly and ,being Kyrgyz, has no hidden agenda. I wanted to know if the positivity I had seen on the streets of Almaty was reflected in the general population or if it was a marketing facade? I tentatively asked a group of young men, students going home for the holiday and from their responses it became apparent that there was real optimism and all were determined to vote in both elections. They all happily contributed. Nazgul struggled to keep up but it was positive and joyful. Listening to us, further down the carriage was an older man, probably in his seventies. He carefully joined us and with amazing reverence the younger men gave their seats, poured tea and then hung onto his every word. More tea and cakes appeared and a crowd formed in the corridor and the cabin. The older man waxed lyrical about the old days – a history lesson and a lecture about the development of an often misunderstood country. There was a matter of fact explanation from communism, independence until today. There was no animosity, no blame, no revenge, just how it was and how it is! Eventually he came to the last Presidential Elections in 2022 – “ it was the real start to change” he said “ and now we have the next step, more independent members of the legislature and more local people working for their own communities” He paused and put his hand on mine and looked me in the eyes. “This is what I have hoped for!” I could see into his dark soulful eyes and it was like looking back through time. Young men had their hands on his shoulders and I fully expected a round of applause – it did not come but more tea and cakes did!

The next part of my journey will be meeting the candidates and maybe then I will get the true answer as to what makes a person want to stand in elections and represent their region or community in 21st Century Kazakhstan?

By the middle of the 19th century, the military-Cossack colonisation of the Steppe continued with less stress and risk. In 1849, not far from the Kokchetav mountains, the village of Koturkolskaya village was founded, and a year later its settlement Shchuchinsky arose. Twenty years later, 22 kilometres north of the village of Shchuchinskaya, on the banks of the Gromova River, the village of Borovskoy grew up.

The foundation of the village of Borovoye by the followers of Zubov dates back to the end of the 1860s but cannot be established more precisely. In 1878, the region was visited by the famous traveller-naturalist I.Ya. Slovtsov. According to his testimony, there were 10 houses in Borovoe “if we count, among other things, two collapsed dugouts.”

From the beginning of the 1870s, people from neighbouring provinces and regions travelled to the Borovskoye district in the summer to “treat with koumiss and breathe clean air”. The whole thing was not regulated by anyone, proceeded without the presence of doctors and was of an extremely primitive nature. The village of Borovoye until the beginning of the 20th century consisted of only a small number of small semi-dugout huts belonging to the families of the Koturkolsky millers and fishermen. The visiting summer residents were accommodated in Cossack huts and Kazakh yurts.

This continued until the early 1880s, when a retired Cossack, General Pakhomov, settled there and began to actively promote this beautiful place. He built two small barracks to meet the demand for apartments from summer residents. In memory of this, the people called the rock that rises near the place where those first barracks were built, Pakhomovka. This name still exists today.

The trip along the steppe dirt roads on horses and draft oxen did not promise any conveniences, and the impassibility in the region of mountains and forests frightened many. The construction of the Great Siberian Route (1896) did not practically improve the situation, when the nearest station, Petropavlovsk, was 267 km from Borovoe. All these factors held back the flow of sick people and vacationers alike. Mostly people of medium and small incomes came here, who involuntarily put up with all the inconveniences.
But, despite the above obstacles, at the beginning of the 20th century, more and more vacationers began to visit Borovoe. General Katanaev wrote about it this way: “Many people come here every year; sick and completely healthy, both from nearby places, and from Russia and far abroad. It is a fact. There are known multiple visits to Borovoye by persons who have been to the famous resorts of European Russia, the Caucasus, and Western Europe more than once before.”

By 1914, thanks to the arrivals of summer residents, the village already had up to 30 proper houses, half of them were two-story. The lower floors and outbuildings were most often occupied by the owners themselves or trading establishments, while the upper floors were rented out to summer residents completely or by the room. Next to this, planned plots were set aside specifically for summer cottages.

In addition to summer residents, representatives of big industrial capital also began to penetrate the region – near the resort on the shores of the Big Chebachy Lake, a large meat-packing plant was built, owned by the Englishman, Bergl, with a number of industrial enterprises (including fat-roasting, sausage, sawmill, and workshops). About a thousand workers were employed in these industries. On the lakes Oraz Ulken-sor and Oraz Dzharty-sor, the Kurgan merchant I.I. Menshikov was engaged in the extraction of Glauber’s salt for the needs of his glass factory.
At the same time, scientists began to take an interest in the Borovoye area: in 1884, the geodesist Colonel Yu.A. In 1894, Dr. N.V. Sobolev in the laboratory of the Omsk Medical Society analysed the water and mud of Lake Dzhanibek-sor, samples of which were delivered by General Ackerman, and in 1895 the doctor made a report at the Omsk Medical Society on the chemical composition of the mud and water of this lake. In the same year, for the first time, observations were made on the opening and freezing of rivers and lakes in the Borovsky region by teachers M.R. Krasnousov (Koturkolskaya village) and Dorogov (Shchuchinskaya village).

The time from 1896 to 1919 is called the “dacha period”. It is characterised by the fact that the state, represented by the Department of State Property of the Steppe Regions, which was set aside in 1894, began to regulate the external improvement of Borovoe. In 1897, V.V. Baryshevtsev was appointed manager of the state property of the Akmola and Semipalatinsk regions.

by Pavel Kossovich

The elections in Kazakhstan have concluded and outside even the weather has warmed a little and the sun has melted some of the frozen pavements. The warmth is a slight respite before the real winter, but people are making the most of it. Wrapped and cocooned in layers, smiles and bright eyes peek from coat hoods. The frozen breath of laughter can be heard from children sledding on the hard packed snow in the playgrounds between the apartment blocks.

The televisual excitement of the previous few days has melted away too and life is back to normal. There is background chatter on social media from the usual active people with a mixture of ill-informed analysis and gossip. Misinformation abounds with the lists of candidates and the percentages of their votes appearing alongside memes and video clips of the people casting their votes. Some people openly show who they voted for, others show their children being lifted to be able to post the paper into the ballot box. All who voted seem keen to prove they voted and broadcast it. According to official figures 69% turned up to vote across the country.

Of the fifteen regions in this vast country, the highest voter turnout is in the Zhetisu Region, 81%, while the lowest is in the city of Almaty, with just 29% percent. Almaty, a former capital and major business and financial centre, had low turnout at the 2019 presidential election as well.

In Astana, the country’s capital and centre for the Akmola region, where the majority of the world’s press have been based, the turnout is reported to be 79%. Many people, however, when asked said they had not voted. One of those who said they did vote, an older woman who was out carrying her grandchild, said she had voted because ‘it is important for this generation!” waving the cradled child like a doll. Other young people asked “What’s the point ?” but would not reveal what they really meant. A group of young women keen to practise their English were happy to talk – two of them had voted but the other two had not. Aigerim, one of the women who had voted, said “It’s not just a right but a responsibility to make sure your voice is heard”. When one of her friends asked who she had voted for she was less forthcoming. But they all agreed that it had been good to see female candidates and they believed that at the next election a woman would win! “We need stability at this time,’’ said Gaughar, the other of the women who had voted.

This attitude about ‘the next time’ became a common theme in conversation. One of the candidates posted that she was pleased to have been part of the process and that, although she had not won, she was being encouraged to continue in politics and stand again – apparently by senior figures in the current administration. But that opportunity will be seven years away and the world may be a very different place by then. It is back to normal, but the challenges that lie ahead in this region need to be met by the new administration.

You might be wondering who won this election. The current president with 81% of the vote.

“It is right he is back in Akorda (the presidential palace) so that he can solve the current problems and lead us forward for the next few years,” Gaughar added as they shuffled off chatting and filling the frozen air with their voices.

There is a real sense of optimism that Kazakhstan has a bright future, in many people’s eyes an important future on the world stage too and, although the expected change voiced by many before the election did not materialise, maybe Gauhar is right stability is what is needed now. We will see what happens ‘next time’!

by Gareth Stamp
Chairman of the Eurasian Creative Guild (London)

As the world’s economic woes are broadcast across the media and governments and, financial institutions battle the potential recessions some developing nations are seemingly faring better. The Covid pandemic and war in the Ukraine have, undoubtedly, been the cause of many worldwide issues but how are some countries and regions more able to weather the storm than others?

In central Asia for example, the growth of the Kazakhstan economy did slow in 2022. It reached 3.4% year-on-year in the first six months, from 4.1% in 2021. In 2023-24, GDP growth is expected to accelerate to 3.5 and 4.0%, according to the World Bank – such projections would be warmly embraced by many Western governments. The current situation builds on impressive economic growth from the early 2000’s driven by the first generation of market-oriented reforms, abundant mineral resources extraction, and strong foreign direct investment. Sustained economic growth has transformed the country into an upper middle-income economy, raising living standards and, as a result, reducing poverty. Indeed, Kazakhstan is still seen as a great place to invest for foreign organisations.

The slight recent slowing of economic growth has made some people question the resource-based and state-led growth model, and they wonder if this raises the risk that Kazakhstan could become stuck in the “middle-income trap.”

Individuals have aspired to become the ‘middle class’ – this is particularly evident in the cities, with property and vehicle ownership skyrocketing in the last fifteen years. Although Astana the ‘new’ capital is a unique example, here the building boom and investment in infrastructure has not always been able to outpace the population growth and number of vehicles on the roads. Local people are judgemental about the development of the city – “this road is only just finished and already we are sitting in a traffic jam” one taxi driver said to me on a slow journey from the airport – however I had just come from London and had a similar experience!  There has been investment in public transport but people still point to the skeletal structure of a light rail system that was supposed to be ready for the EXPO that took place in 2017. Other issues are the number of schools and facilities being built to cope with an exponential influx of people from surrounding regions but interestingly this need is partly being met by local benefactors actually building schools and then donating them to the city.

In Almaty, the country’s second city, there are also traffic jams and regular complaints across social media about the slow progress, pollution and how some social projects such as pedestrianisation of some streets have not alleviated the situation as promised. But the city still feels very European and there is a ‘greening’ revolution going on! – sometimes the change seems slow if you are there day to day but as a regular visitor I have seen positive change in both cities.

As the population seeks greater personal status, the state needs to provide the infrastructure for this to happen. There are many more diagnostic systems in place to identify real needs and as a result it is recognised that Kazakhstan needs to strengthen competition and human capital, and improve public sector and state owned enterprises performances. The country is actively continuing to initiate reforms in fuel and energy pricing, strengthen social protection, and invest in climate adaptation. The forthcoming Elections give the populace an opportunity to directly comment on this with all candidates identifying economic development as a key issue. Whatever the outcome of the election there is transparency of the issues and systems and plans to help solve them.

As I travel back to Kazakhstan I obviously have a nostalgia and wish for the way things were but it is very interesting that I am experiencing new things and a willingness of people to improve what was there – for example, a small restaurant in Astana, that we used for an escape, has now become quite ‘posh’ with an investment in decoration and expanded service but thankfully the Shashlik is still excellent !

By the time the milky sun manages to burn off the early morning frozen mists blanketing  Astana over ten percent of the population have voted in these presidential elections, called early to secure a nation’s mandate and future direction.

Even as polling stations opened at  7am, there were queues in the snow covered, freezing streets. Old people bundled up with fur lined boots and multiple layers of grey cloth, families with children in buggies, small children eager to put their parents ballots into the perspex box that sits at the centre of each polling station. There is genuine excitement hanging in the frozen chatter filled air. There is anticipation.

 Astana is my second home and although it is the second coldest capital in the world by climate, it has to have the warmest people – welcoming and eager to share their culture, experiences and history and today I feel this is a part of their history.

There is also an irony in being here to cover the elections as a journalist. Some years ago I was asked to be an extra in a film here – playing a journalist! I remember that the weather was similar and, in a particular scene set in 1991, we had to clamour around an actor playing a newly elected First President asking about what reforms he intended to introduce – I was a stereotypical ‘hack’, the only foreigner and as a result I was heavily dubbed in the final movie.

Things have certainly changed. In 1991 there was only one name on the ballot -Nurzultan Nazarbayev –  and he won 98% of the votes. Today there are six candidates, including two women and there is an air of expected change. Kazakhstan is a rapidly developing digital nation which was described as ‘an envy’ from one international observer – so we, the journalists, have a computer filled media centre, beaming the story around the globe as it happens. The TV is showing an “Online Marathon’ of entertainment, comment and regular updates of voting numbers across the fifteen regions of the country. The concept is an interesting one, designed to inform and entertain but also to encourage people to vote – especially the young. Kazakhstan has an interesting social demographic with more young people than old, which contrasts markedly with western countries. This has its own challenges, one of which is voter engagement.  The elections are supported by an army of young volunteers, many too young to vote but all are well informed and know their roles. Smiling, keen to practise their English and even keener to be involved in the democratic process and their own future.

As I walk from the media centre across the frozen pavements, the sun has truly broken through and the coming winter is held off for a few more hours. The call to prayer sounds out from the golden dome glistening ‘old’ mosque and people fill the streets going about their business, heading for a mall, enjoying the outside time and many of them are going to vote.

by Gareth Stamp

OCA MAGAZINE Deputy Editor

Kazakhstan is about to reach a major milestone in its democratic development. While elections have taken place regularly since our independence in 1991, the upcoming presidential election on November 20 can be considered one the most consequential for the future of democratic politics in Kazakhstan.

This year has been the most tumultuous in our recent history. Our country was first rocked by the tragic events in January, when Kazakhstan suffered an armed coup attempt. Just over a month later a conflict erupted in Ukraine, indirectly impacting our country’s economy. Yet despite these challenges, our nation began writing a new chapter of our political development. In March, President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev proposed constitutional reforms to transform our country’s entire state model and form of government by limiting the powers of the President, strengthening the role of parliament, enhancing citizens’ engagement in political processes, and further strengthening the protection of human rights.

77 percent of our citizens voted in favour of these constitutional amendments in a June referendum. This was a demonstration of what a New and Just Kazakhstan represents – our firm commitment to democratic principles and an increased role for citizens in state decision-making. Thanks to the deliberate dedication of our people to democratic development, our nation has become a leading light for economic, social, and political reform in the post-Soviet space.

The implementation of concrete reforms has ensured that we are on firm footing as we look to a bright future. Our economic initiatives are focussed on diversification, de-monopolisation, and ensuring a fair distribution of the national income. Significantly, as per President Tokayev’s proposal, the presidential term has been reduced from two five-year terms to a single seven-year period without the possibility of re-election. This initiative will eliminate the risks of power monopolisation and strengthen the basic principles of democracy.

Given these substantial constitutional amendments and reforms, in September, incumbent President Tokayev decided to seek a democratic confirmation of his mandate for the fundamental transformation of Kazakhstan over the next seven years. Our country is changing at a swift pace, and it is important for our citizens to voice their opinion on the future direction of the nation. The election will offer an opportunity to reflect on the three years of Tokayev’s presidency, and to consider whether the people are on board with the vision for a New Kazakhstan.

This election will also be one the most diverse in our nation’s history. Six candidates are running with varying political views, including representatives of the opposition, giving the electorate extensive choice. In addition, for the first time in our history, two female candidates are running for president. This is another important step in Kazakhstan’s ongoing democratic development. Over many years, Kazakhstan has been taking concrete steps to ensure gender equality and to promote women’s role in business and politics. We are now witnessing the fruits of these efforts.

Kazakhstan’s presidential nominations process is designed to be open and fair. For example, all candidates must receive signatures from 1% of Kazakhstan’s registered electorate – around 118,000 people equally representing at least two thirds of regions, cities of republican significance and the capital. Six candidates, representing different policies and visions for the country, have received support from many citizens. This is further evidence of democracy at work.

Of course, it is crucial to ensure that the election will be free and fair. It is not a secret that our region is still developing the necessary democratic mechanisms to ensure completely open elections. Nevertheless, I believe that Kazakhstan is demonstrating that it is going beyond the general expectations. President Tokayev promised that the election will be held fairly, openly and with the broad participation of domestic and international observers. Previous elections were monitored by the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and numerous other international organisations. Kazakhstan has always welcomed observers and their constructive feedback, and we look forward to welcoming them again for the upcoming election.

Given the significant global geopolitical challenges, the upcoming vote is not just important to Kazakhstan, but to the international community as well. As a country located between Asia and Europe, we play a key role in facilitating trade between the two regions. Given our diplomatic ties with all sides, we are also ready to contribute to the resolution of the conflict in Ukraine in any way we can. From the economic perspective, our government has also been vigorously improving Kazakhstan’s investment climate, making us the top investment destination in the region. I have no doubt that our government will continue on this path after the inauguration of the new President.

In January our countries celebrated the 30th Anniversary of our diplomatic relations. In this relatively short period we strengthened and expanded constructive political dialogue and diversified cooperation between our countries.

Efficient institutes of bilateral cooperation such as Strategic Dialogue, Intergovernmental Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation and Business Council foster our partnership. Inter-parliamentary ties between our countries are deepened through the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Kazakhstan.

The UK is one of Top seven investors in Kazakhstan, with 16.2 bln. USD invested so far and a potential for growth. Currently, more than 600 joint-ventures and representative offices with British capital are operating in Kazakhstan, covering all sectors of economy from oil and gas, mining, agriculture, infrastructure, as well as education, financial and professional business services and hi-tech

Over the last 30 years people of Kazakhstan have built a stable, prosperous, and inclusive society. Exercising our democratic right through a national vote will help to strengthen what we have achieved. Given the strong foundation, I have every reason to be optimistic about the future relations between our countries.

By Magzhan Ilyassov

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary

of the Republic of Kazakhstan to the United Kingdom

of Great Britain and Northern Ireland

The religious world in all its diversity is waiting for the central event of the year – the VII Congress of Leaders of World and Traditional Religions in Nur-Sultan – the capital of Kazakhstan.
What kind of religious leaders will we see at this convention? Pope Francis I is on his first visit to this country. In the modern history of Kazakhstan, this is only the second visit of the Head of the Roman Catholic Church.
At the dawn of the third millennium in 2001, the Republic was visited by the Supreme Pontiff John Paul II. As the contemporaries of that event note, it was then that the idea of ​​creating a general meeting of all faiths and establishing a dialogue between them was born, at the moment when the Supreme Pontiff spoke with Muslim youth about the Unity of God. In the new century, he said, there should be no conflicts between peoples, and that we should unite and forgive each other.
The new arrival of the Pope in Kazakhstan in the difficult circumstances of the times of global upheavals, as well as in the context of meetings with other leaders of world religions, promises to draw public attention to the moral principles of the ongoing processes for a short time.
Moreover, for the first time in the Central Asian region, a Holy Mass will be held for tens of thousands of Catholic believers, including pilgrims who will arrive in the capital of Kazakhstan.
In addition to the Pope, the congress is expected to be visited by the Supreme Imam of Al-Azhar Sheikh Ahmed Al-Tayeb, Patriarch Theophilus III of Jerusalem, Mufti Ravil Gaynutdin, Head of the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of the Russian Federation, and other heads of religious denominations and international organizations.
The high level of the guests of this congress more than corresponds to its theme «Studying and assessing the role that religious leaders are called upon to play in the spiritual and social development of mankind in the period after the coronavirus pandemic».
It is already known that as a result of the Congress, a Declaration will be adopted with important provisions regarding the active involvement of the leaders of world and traditional religions in the process of achieving long-term stability and peace.